Public.Resource.Org SI Neg. 2001-1900. Date: na...Oblique aerial view from approximately 12,000 feet, 50 miles from the detonation site, two minutes after the detonation of a hydrogen bomb during an unidentified US atomic weapons test, circa 1950s. At this point in time, the mushroom cloud rose to 40,000 feet...Credit: Unknown USAF photographer. (Smithsonian Institution)

Public.Resource.Org SI Neg. 2001-1900. Date: na…Oblique aerial view from approximately 12,000 feet, 50 miles from the detonation site, two minutes after the detonation of a hydrogen bomb during an unidentified US atomic weapons test, circa 1950s. At this point in time, the mushroom cloud rose to 40,000 feet…Credit: Unknown USAF photographer. (Smithsonian Institution)

I have just started reading an excellent new book by Cathy O’Neil, Weapons of Math Destruction, where she sets out the case against devolving important decisions to mathematical models without adequate feedback loops. The opening example she gives, of a teacher fired from her job in Washington because a school feeding students into her school was manipulating test scores, makes her general point very well. I am looking forward to the chapter on insurance.

However, the thought that this raised in my mind is how, increasingly, we don’t even need the algorithms and mathematical models to behave in a robotic fashion – we constantly follow rules set by others rather than using our own judgement. Indeed regulators push us more and more in this direction. They are nearly all under-staffed and over-tasked and need shortcuts to manage their workloads. And the most obvious shortcut is to focus on the very big and the very different. The very big are normally very much better staffed than the regulators and difficult to win arguments with. Regulators are therefore left with the very different. So regulators make life for the very different very difficult. And, before long, the very different no longer exist and the systemic risk in your population of banks, schools, hospitals or whatever it is has increased.

What O’Neill rightly focuses on as the main danger of widely used models is their lack of a feedback loop. If nothing tells you when your model is not reflecting the world it is modelling, it will not be long before it is doing a great deal more harm than good. And when a regulators uses a model which does not rely on inputs from the system it is regulating, then the model becomes the world it is regulating, often with bizarre consequences. One of the main reasons that the 2008 crash was so dramatic is that so little was done to prevent it even as warning signs grew. This was because, in the model used to regulate banks, these warning signs didn’t exist. Unfortunately and worryingly for us, the lessons learned, in the main, were not that model-led regulation was bad, but that the models used just needed to be more complicated.

Every call for what is being regulated to be simplified (by breaking them up into smaller units, in the case of banks, or simplifying the regulations themselves, rather than the regulatory arms race of measure and unintended loophole we seem doomed to keep repeating) has been resisted, resulting in a regulatory framework which becomes more bafflingly complex with every passing year. This is a process recognised in Government and there have been occasional attempts to reverse the tide. To date, with little effect.

And the regulators themselves? They are cash-strapped and at the mercy of inconsistent Government policy. So we have CQC inspectors (of NHS Trusts) and Ofsted inspectors (of schools and colleges) making short visits, producing reports based on anything anyone has said to them on these short visits, allowing for no factual corrections, subject to no cross examination, just to get through their caseloads without causing headaches for their political masters, but often resulting in inconsistent scrutiny or, in some cases, in abrupt reversals in conclusions in successive inspections. At the same time, it appears clear that you can evade your financial responsibilities almost completely if you are rich and unscrupulous enough. Our regulatory systems have proved unreliable in too many areas and have in my view lost credibility as a result.

So where do actuaries fit in to all this? They are one of the professions centrally involved in building, updating and interpreting models across a wide range of financial firms. Everything from the amount a firm makes in pension contributions, to the amount held in reserve by an insurer or a bank, to the detailed agreements in a corporate restructure, often involving staggering sums of money. This work cannot be carried out effectively by playing to an unreliable regulator.

Upon accepting the Army-Navy Excellence Award on November 16, 1945, Robert Oppenheimer, who ran the US Government’s Manhattan Project in Los Alamos to develop the world’s first nuclear weapons, proclaimed: “If atomic bombs are to be added as new weapons to the arsenals of a warring world, or to the arsenals of the nations preparing for war, then the time will come when mankind will curse the names of Los Alamos and Hiroshima.” He realised that responsibility for the use to which your work is put can never be wholly given away to someone else.

If mathematical models are to be the dominant regulatory tool of a financial world, and of the consultancies and financial firms competing in that world, then the time will come when mankind will curse the names of the highly paid professionals who followed inappropriate rules rather than exercising their own expert judgement when it mattered.

Party membership long timeline

Today I am going to talk about politics and how we tend to approach it.

When I was working as an actuarial consultant we had a client who wanted to write to the local MP about how the Pension Protection Fund levy his company were paying on behalf of their admittedly poorly funded pension scheme was endangering the viability of the business itself. Our view was that it would do no harm and the letter was sent. Nothing came of the complaint, not that we had expected anything would, but the letter was responded to. And so have my letters both times I have written to my MP in a personal capacity, one of them even came back with a Minister’s letter enclosed with it.

One way of looking at this is that it is fantastic. It shows democracy working for individuals and businesses at a local level about the issues they care about. A kind of democracy service. This is certainly how we are encouraged to think of it.

However another way of thinking about it is that this is just bonkers. To understand this, consider some numbers.

There are not nearly enough GPs, according to the latest of many similar reports of a “looming health crisis”. How many full-time equivalent GPs are there per 1,000 patients per practice in England? 0.58, meaning that on average there is 1 GP for every 1,724 patients. GPs frequently complain that the standard 10 minute consultation this necessitates is not enough time to fully explore their health.

Compare this with the position of MPs, another profession which runs “surgeries”. There are 650 MPs to cover the whole of the UK. That’s one for every 92,000 people, or 68,000 voters. It is therefore faintly ludicrous to expect MPs to be able to:

  • write to a relevant department or official;
  • send a letter to an appropriate Minister;
  • make a personal appointment to discuss an issue;
  • make an issue public; or
  • speak at an event concerning an issue.

for each and every one of his or her constituents and their businesses, as the blurb suggests. “These steps can often go a long way to providing a solution” it adds helpfully.

If we were all to take up this suggestion of course, the system could not cope. And it cannot, by definition, be fair: a 92,000th of the power of an MP, even if it’s the PM, is probably not worth having in your corner, so the process MP’s use to decide who to help becomes a postcode (or, in reality, power) lottery on a much grander scale than anything we might be concerned about in the NHS. So beware of MPs who say that their minds have been made up on an issue by what can only ever be anecdotal contact with their constituents at best.

Even when most of us don’t bother our MPs, they are still inundated with a level of enquiries, most misdirected, that makes it very hard for them to keep up with their parliamentary work.

So it is perhaps not unreasonable to suggest that an entirely parliamentary approach to doing politics might not be the only option. And now the Labour Party are exploring this idea in the current leadership election. To the side now coalescing around Owen Smith, Corbyn’s policy-making on the hoof and lack of organisation and discipline at times makes him unfit to lead a party set up in 1906 to promote “socialism via parliamentary means”. To Corbyn’s supporters, the party needs to become a movement not confined to Parliament, and the sudden surge in party membership to 450,000 and £4.6 million collected in 48 hours from the £25 fee paid by registered supporters are signs that he is the person who can deliver this.

People cannot agree whether Jeremy Corbyn represents the past or the future, which certainly makes the present very exciting. But if MPs are too busy to represent us the way we want to be represented, we may all need to get more involved in politics from now on.

 

 

Group of pins

Two women were fighting on my train the other morning. It was a packed train, with people standing the length of the carriage, so I didn’t see it so much as hear it. The first woman felt she had been pushed by the other one and complained very loudly and with much swearing. The second woman made some comment about the first woman’s mother and it escalated from there, getting louder and louder. Neither was prepared to let the other have the last word and, seeing the impact the mother comment had had, the second woman used it again. At which point the first woman hit her. The other passengers had been sitting and standing grim-faced up until this point, but now one or two intervened. One, who had the bearing of a lay preacher, attempted to assume sufficient authority to stop the argument. He was ignored. Another one stood and put the second woman in his seat and stood between them.

The second woman continued to make comments, but as much to herself as to the first woman. She kept stamping her feet in frustration. She was clearly in unbearable discomfort, but not from any physical pain. Finally she called the police and, as we pulled into New Street Station, started to give a physical description of her assailant. “Everyone on the train saw it” she said several times, while the passengers around her stared in any direction but hers.

I don’t know what happened next in the lives of these two women, although an announcement was made a couple of days later on the same service that police were working their way through the train for witness statements about the incident. They never appeared in my carriage, and I am not sure what I would have said if they had. And I don’t know what your reaction to my story is – whether that the other passengers, including me, should have acted differently or some commentary on the behaviour of the two women. I am, however, reasonably confident that you will have a reaction, perhaps quite a strong one, despite my limitations as a narrator. The reason I am confident about this is that I found myself, involuntarily, completely absorbed in the dispute, upset when one of the women expressed upset, constructing back stories for each of them, questioning their strategic wisdom at various points and, by the time we arrived at New Street Station and I dispersed with all the other witnesses, emotionally drained. And a look at the faces around the carriage suggested to me that most of my fellow passengers reacted similarly.

Why am I telling you this? Because it is a clear example of our domesticated brains in action. The almost physical pain this argument caused me and most of my fellow passengers is the reason we can travel from Sutton Coldfield to Birmingham every day with rarely an incident. It is often referred to these days, in pejorative terms, as Group Think. The shared assumptions and behaviours which allow us to live alongside each other in peace. I then get on a second train each day from Birmingham to Leicester, which I tell everyone is a great train to work on. But this is only because I can trust the 80 or so other passengers not to start an argument. The police could not cope if everyone behaved like the two women in my story. When the police do make an appeal for witnesses, they do so secure in the knowledge that nothing they say or do will encourage more than a handful to come forward, so strong is our group instinct to stay out of each other’s lives if we can. It is not indifference but survival. You need very strong structures to counteract the very strong instinct for Group Think.

However the reason Group Think is used pejoratively is that we have had vivid demonstrations of its power to make large groups of people behave stupidly. For example, herding behaviour in financial markets often causing the very problems people are trying to protect themselves from by going with the crowd. Or regulatory regimes which seem to encourage monocultures to develop, whether in finance, health, education, politics or academia, based on shared assumptions rather than encouraging diversity, because monocultures are easier to regulate. Many professions, including the actuarial profession, have introduced specific professional guidance to encourage whistle-blowing where appropriate, ie standing up to the policies and practices of their own organisations in most cases, which often means doing battle with Group Think. How successful such initiatives prove to be remains to be seen.

Encouraging challenges to Group Think is hard. It normally means going out of your way to allow views to be expressed you don’t agree with. It makes getting your own way harder to achieve. It can seem to us like the opposite of strong leadership and decisiveness when we seek out opinions that will make decision-making more complex. But we have made our society so complex and organisationaly fragile that this is what we are going to need to do more of in the future to stop it all from crashing down around us.

Fiscal spaceI was a pensions actuary for some years, and spent most of that time advising trustees of defined benefit (DB) pension schemes about what to do with their funding debts (we called them deficits or shortfalls, but so as not to confuse them with what the UK Government means by a deficit, ie spending greater than receipts in any given year, I will stick with the term debt here). It seems to me that there are many parallels between this kind of debt and the kind that governments run:

  1. The debt has built up over many years, and the reasons it was built up are often no longer a priority for the sponsor trying to pay off the debt (whether this is former employees for companies, or bailed out banks for governments)
  2. It is very sensitive to things which are not under the control of the sponsor (whether this is gilt yields or pensions legislation for companies, or the state of the world economy for governments)
  3. The debt position can change very quickly
  4. The sponsor usually has more attractive options for investing money than paying off the debt

Pension scheme debts fall broadly into three categories:

  • Small debts, where the company sponsoring the pension scheme can easily afford to service the debt and is relatively large financially compared to the debt. Think Norway, with their massive sovereign fund, or South Korea on the graph above. There are a wide range of ways of dealing with a debt like this: if the funding target was not to buy out the benefits with an insurance company at this point, I would generally try and encourage the trustees and sponsor in that direction because of point 3. However there are many other completely reasonable approaches here and the point is that, whichever is chosen, it is unlikely to seriously affect the ability of the company to implement its business plans.
  • Large but manageable debts. The company does need to put in place a proper funding plan here. How quickly it would be asked to pay off the debt would depend on what is called the employer covenant, which is the willingness and ability of the company (or sometimes group of connected companies, which is where the willingness comes in) to pay. Strong companies are allowed more options and longer repayment periods if they want them, although in some cases they may just want to fully fund and remove the ongoing costs of meeting the regulatory and administrative requirements of running a DB pension scheme. Think of the UK in this category. The paper from which the graph above is taken is concerned with the green zone cases like the UK, for which it concludes that reducing debt in the current circumstances of very low real interest rates (the same problem making pension debts so large) and demand shortfalls in the economies in question (the rather more important debt) is likely to be undesirable as the costs will outweigh the benefits.
  • Large and unmanageable debts. The company cannot afford a funding plan. In most cases the scheme does not have access to sufficient assets to buy policies to pay full pensions to its members with an insurer. An organisation called the Pension Protection Fund (PPF) then gets involved, which guarantees to pay full pensions to pensioners and 90% to non-pensioners, in exchange for all the assets it can get from the defaulting scheme and its sponsor. The sponsor usually needs to be insolvent for its scheme to enter the PPF, although sometimes it is allowed to return phoenix-like without the pension scheme but with the PPF as a stakeholder receiving a share of company profits over an agreed period.

I saw my role as to help trustees negotiate hard for a funding settlement with the sponsor, on the understanding that the sponsor would also negotiate hard. It was always clear to me that the sponsor’s responsibility was to grow its business and it would look to direct most of its profits to that end. The trustees were there to ensure that the (in the main) employees of the past who had been made a pension promise were not forgotten by the employees of the present and future and their employer when resources were being directed.

Imagine what the trustees’ role might be if this whole basis of funding was turned on its head: companies directing ever more of their profits into debt repayment at the expense of any sort of investment in the future of their businesses. To the extent that this threatened the future income stream to the scheme as the business fell apart, trustees and their actuaries might find themselves making very different arguments (perhaps along the lines of the flexibility the regulator promotes and the importance it stresses of trustees having a good understanding of the employer’s position and plans, including how any plans for sustainable growth enhance the employer covenant). But we would then be in a situation where what the company was expert in, ie running its business, had been subordinated to funding a pension scheme, while what the trustees and their advisers were expert in, ie funding the pension scheme, had become less important than protecting the long term health of the company. This would appear to be sub-optimal.

But it is not that different from having a government that makes its highest priority to reduce a debt which it does not fully understand and certainly cannot fully control, while cutting back on all the things that governments do which support the economic health of a country, from investing in infrastructure and housing to promoting real social security for the economic units, ie us, within it.

And imagine what would happen if we treated schemes with large unmanageable debts like Greece. The current deal which looks like it might be agreed tomorrow involves asset sales, spending cuts, tax increases and reform of both its tax and pensions system in return for three year loans and debt restructuring and reprofiling. This would be the equivalent of not only putting the sponsor into administration and selling off all its assets but also immediately demanding pension contributions from the workers who had been kept on into a scheme which would never give them any benefits just before firing them with no pensions (pensioners left without pensions was a scenario which occasionally happened in the UK before the PPF and sometimes led to naked pensioners demonstrating on the beach). The sell off would, as it always does (and certainly has in the case of Greece) pay off the banks first before moving on to the unsecured creditors. Insolvency practitioners know that they can get more for a company by selling it as a going concern rather than as just a bunch of assets. The PPF similarly understand that a proportion of future profits can be in their best long term interests as a creditor rather than dancing around the flames of a fire sale. The Troika, the IMF and their enforcer, the ECB, appear to have lost sight of this.

The current austerity fixation is not bringing good private sector practice into the public sector. On the contrary it is removing the public sector foundation required for the private sector to flourish. And that is just bad business.

Trust me. I'M AN ACTUARY!

Trust me. I’M AN ACTUARY!

I commented on the Pensions Regulator’s new code of funding in a recent post. The reason I am returning to it so soon is that a good friend of mine has pointed out a rather important, but subtle, aspect of the new code which I had missed. It goes to the heart of what we should expect from a professional in any field.

Experts and the Problem of P2C2Es

In 1990, while still in hiding from would-be assassins keen to implement Ayatollah Khomeini’s fatwa, Salman Rushdie wrote a book for his son called Haroun and the Sea of Stories. This introduced the idea of P2C2Es or Processes Too Complicated To Explain. These were how awkward things, like the fact that the Earth had a second moon which held the source of all the world’s stories, were kept hidden from ordinary people. All the people who worked on P2C2Es were employed at P2C2E House in Gup City under a Grand Comptroller. When I read it to my son a few years later I enjoyed the story of very clever people conspiring against the general public as a fairy tale.

Since 2008, it has become increasingly clear that this is no fairy tale. Whether you are looking for the cheapest quote for insuring your life, house or your car; a medical opinion about your health; an investment that meets your needs: it is a P2C2E.

Malcolm Gladwell and others make the case that expert failure is what we should really fear, when important things rely on experts not making mistakes doing things that most people do not understand. The inability to challenge expert opinion has cost us all a lot of money in the last few years. We should stay clear of P2C2Es whenever we can in my view. Professionals should present evidence and the intuitions gained from their experience, but leave the decisions to people with skin in the game.

Other professionals disagree with this. There is, from time to time, a push to get rid of juries in cases where the evidence is thought too complicated (eg fraud) or too dangerous to make public in even a limited way (eg terrorism). Some of these succeed, others don’t. There are also frequent political arguments about what we should have a referendum on, from Scottish independence (got one if you’re Scottish) to membership of the EU (one is promised) to recalling your MP mid-term (so far no luck on this one).

There is a similar divergence of opinion amongst actuaries. Since the Pensions Regulator’s first code of practice for funding was launched, in 2006, the scheme actuary’s role has been clearly set out as one of adviser to the scheme trustees and not, other than in the rare cases it was cemented in the scheme rules, a decision maker. However there are actuaries who look back wistfully to the days when they effectively set the funding target for pension schemes and all parties deferred to their expertise. I am not one of them.

Because this was really no good at all if you were a trustee expected to take responsibility for a process you were never really let in on. The arrival at a contribution rate or a funding deficit for a scheme funding on a basis presented to them as a fait accompli was to many trustees a P2C2E. We risk returning to those days with the new code of funding.

What this has to do with pensions

Compare the wording of the new Code of Practice for pension scheme funding with the previous one:

2006 code

The actuary is not passing an opinion on the trustees’ choice of method and assumptions.

2014 code

Trustees should have good reasons if they decide not to follow the actuary’s advice. They should recognise that if they instruct their actuary to certify the technical provisions and/or schedule of contributions using an approach which the actuary considers would be a failure to comply with Part 3, the actuary would have to report that certification to the regulator as the regulator considers such certification to be materially significant.

Where Part 3 refers to the funding regulations for actuarial valuations. Previously actuaries who were unable to provide the required certification of the calculation of the technical provisions or of the adequacy of the schedule of contributions had to report the matter to the regulator only if a proper process had not been followed or the recovery plan didn’t add up to the deficit. It was thought that going any further would involve passing an opinion on the trustees’ choice of method and assumptions.

Will the new code make schemes better funded? In some cases perhaps, but at the cost of moving scheme trustees into a more passive role where they do not feel the same level of responsibility for the final outcome. It is the difference between roads where cars are driven by people concerned with road safety and the ones we have where drivers are primarily concerned with not setting off speed cameras. The general level of safety is reduced in both cases, with the further danger that this passivity will trickle into other areas of trustee responsibility. And the risk to the schemes of the group think of scheme actuaries (a relatively small group of professionals who tend to all cluster around the same schedule of continuing professional development (CPD) events) is massively increased.

Ha-Joon Chang famously said never trust an economist. Is it any less dangerous to trust an actuary under these circumstances?

 

 

 

The response to the consultation on the Budget pension proposals has much to welcome in it. The Government appears to have listened to the arguments that their concerns about the impact on financial markets of the reforms bordered on paranoia, and have agreed to continue allowing private sector defined benefit schemes and funded public sector schemes to process transfers. They have committed to continuing to consult on the idea of extending the new freedoms to defined benefit schemes themselves, which would avoid the need for a lot of expensive fee-generating transfers into defined contribution arrangements.

And yet. The section on the guaranteed guidance suggests that, despite the opinions expressed in the consultation, the Government is still primarily focused on guidance “at the point of retirement” despite the probability that this is likely to become just one of the criticial retirement phases following these reforms. And the reform of pensions legislation seems overly concentrated on facilitating innovations in annuities rather than allowing the level legislative playing field between different forms of pension provision that would be required to prevent the death of defined ambition.

But the real problem I have with the consultation response concerns the minimum pension age. A point i have made before. Currently 55, the Government has decided to increase this to 57 by 2028. I think this is a mistake. Why promote freedom in the form you take your benefits but not when you take your benefits?

And the need for this freedom is evident. The latest Office of National Statistics (ONS) release on healthy life expectancy at birth by local authority suggests that, in many areas, this may condemn people to work until they are sick.

Here is the graph for males in local authorities where the healthy life expectancy (HLE) is less than the state pension age (SPA):

HLE males

And the equivalent graph for females:

HLE females

For each local authority area you need the red line to be above the minimum pension age to be 95% sure the average member of its population is able to retire, even if only partially, in good health. For the males, Blackburn, Blackpool, Islington and Tower Hamlets already have red lines below a minimum pension age of 55. Increase this to 57 and the number of red lines below multiplies alarmingly. And this is just an average – many will have life expectancies well below this.

Of course we assume life expectancy will increase between now and 2028, but healthy life expectancy? One of the problems is that it has not been measured for very long, and there have been disagreements about how it should be measured. As the King’s Fund shows, in 2005 a change to the methodology caused healthy life expectancy to plunge by 3 years, suggesting a rather optimistic approach previously. The ONS methodology is set out here.

It seems clear to me that there is sufficient doubt around how long people around the UK are expected to remain in good health for the Government to pause before raising the minimum pension age. After all we already know how those in ill health are likely to be treated if they try to claim they can’t work.

ATOS

A flower for every person that died within 6 weeks of ATOS finding them fit for work

At times it all sounds like the joke about the visitor to Hell being shown by their PR department how the bad press had been much exaggerated. There were concerts on Wednesday afternoons and coffee mornings on Fridays, the manure was only ankle deep in many places and the eternal flames were optional. However, on accepting his place for eternal damnation, another senior devil he had never seen before walked in to announce “Ok, tea break’s over. Back on your heads!”

It would seem that tea break is over.

I have written about false positives before, as have many others, but the media stories keep on coming. The latest reports, by the BBC most notably but also carried by the New Scientist and a number of other sources, display such an unfortunate ignorance of the issue of false positives that they risk raising false fears in the minds of sufferers of mild cognitive impairment and their families.

The BBC article makes a number of statements:

1. British scientists have made a “major step forward” in developing a blood test to predict the onset of Alzheimer’s disease.

2. Research in more than 1,000 people has identified a set of proteins in the blood which can predict the start of the dementia with 87% accuracy.

Neither of these statements are true. What the new test can do is guess right about patients with mild cognitive impairment (MCI) going on to develop Alzheimer’s disease (AD) within a year in 87% of cases. What it cannot do is predict whether someone with MCI will develop AD with 87% accuracy. The research article is here.

It all comes down to the likelihood of someone with MCI developing AD. It does not help that there is no general agreement of a definition for either term. The research reported on used the Petersen criterion for MCI. The likelihood of people within the population with MCI developing AD each year is again unknown, but 6 quite small studies (a total of 476 people across all the studies, with different average ages and sample sizes among the groups) carried out in North America analysed by Petersen et al in 2001 suggested that it lay between 6% and 25%, with an overall average rate of 12.5%.

So let’s assume that it is 12.5%. In a population of 1,000 people with MCI, we would expect 125 to develop AD. The test will identify 109 of them on average. Unfortunately, assuming the same accuracy rate of 87%, it will also give false positives for 13% (or 114) of the 875 not expected to develop AD in any particular year. That means that, of the 223 who test positive, less than half (49%) are actually expected to develop AD within a year. As the NHS choices website points out, in one of the few sceptical articles I could find, this is no better than tossing a coin.

If we assume the probability of moving from MCI to AD is at the higher bound of 25%, the positive predictive value (or PPV, as it is known) increases to 69%. However if we assume the lower bound of 6%, the PPV falls to 30%. In other words, if we get a positive blood test for this panel of 10 proteins, we currently do not know whether it is twice as likely to be a true positive than a false positive, or twice as likely to be false as true. Or anywhere in between.

Despite this, Dr Eric Karran, director of research at Alzheimer’s Research UK (clearly no conflict of interest there in promoting stories which promote the idea that Alzheimer’s research is highly effective) is widely reported as describing the study as a “technical tour de force”, while also acknowledging that the current accuracy levels risked telling many healthy people they were on course to develop Alzheimer’s.

In some reports it was pointed out that it was unlikely that the test would be used in isolation if it eventually made its way into clinics. A positive result could be backed up by brain scans or testing spinal fluid for signs of Alzheimer’s, they said. However if the test is no more predictive than a coin toss that is hardly encouraging.

There was more from Dr Karran: “This gives a better way to identify people who will progress to Alzheimer’s disease, people who can be entered into clinical trials earlier, I think that will increase the potential of a positive drug effect and thereby I think we will get to a therapy, which will be an absolute breakthrough if we can get there.”

This is simply untrue. Clearly it is important to support research into therapies for Alzheimer’s disease, but in raising funds for this the ends do not justify any means. Additional funding gained through false claims for any particular discovery will come at the expense of funding in other equally important areas. Like agreeing a definition of MCI and AD for instance, or better data on the transition probabilities from MCI to AD at different ages, without which a lot of the more laboratory-based research will be a waste of time as it will be unclear how best to apply it.

So let’s be careful how we report these things. People’s hopes and fears are at stake.

The consultation on the proposals for pensions announced in the Budget, and contained in yesterday’s Queen’s Speech, ends on 11 June. I have set out my response below. I hope that it will sufficiently incense one or two more people into making their views heard, before the chance disappears.

A.1
The government welcomes views on its proposed approach to reforming the pensions tax framework.

1 Should a statutory override be put in place to ensure that pension scheme rules do not prevent individuals from taking advantage of increased flexibility?

Yes. Otherwise you are just writing cheques to pensions lawyers.

2 How could the government design the new system such that it enables innovation in the retirement income market?

Reform preservation rules, the TPR code on funding, HMRC rules and the PPF levy framework so as not to penalise different arrangements across the defined ambition spectrum. Remove the annual allowance, controlling the level of tax relief offered through the lifetime allowance only (I got this the wrong way round in my first draft – the annual allowance assumes regular incomes, many people now have incomes which bounce up and down alarmingly from year to year. It is also ridiculously cumbersome to administer).

3 Do you agree that the age at which private pension wealth can be accessed should rise alongside the State Pension age?

No. There is already an issue around healthy life expectancy and the state pension age in some regions of the UK.

4 Should the change in the minimum pension age be applied to all pension schemes which qualify for tax relief?

Yes. The arrangements need simplification.

5 Should the minimum pension age be increased further, for example so that it is five years below State Pension age?

No (see answer to 3).

A.2
The government welcomes views on its proposed approach to supporting consumers in making retirement choices.

6 Is the prescription of standards enough to ensure the impartiality of guidance delivered by the pension provider? Should pension providers be required to outsource delivery of independent guidance to a trusted third party?

There needs to be more clarity about the charges which can be levied for guidance or if it is to be remunerated in some other way.

7 Should there be any difference between the requirements to offer guidance placed on contract-based pension providers and trust-based pension schemes?

No. In most cases the scheme members have not chosen to receive lower levels of service.

8 What more can be done to ensure that guidance is available at key decision points during retirement?

I think there needs to be a right (but not requirement) to it for everyone at 50, 60, 70 and 80 as a minimum, at an agreed national nominal charge. I imagine that the £20 million available to develop resources for this will need to be increased significantly to make an impact on the quality of guidance materials provided.

A.3
The government would welcome views on the options outlined in point 5.15, including their likely complexity, and the burdens they might place on scheme sponsors and HMRC.

9 Should the government continue to allow private sector defined benefit to defined contribution transfers and if so, in which circumstances?

Yes. In all circumstances.

10 How should the government assess the risks associated with allowing private sector defined benefit schemes to transfer to defined contribution under the proposed tax system?

The reasons the Government have advanced for the changes to DC are equally compelling when applied to DB:

1. There is a lack of choice for people at retirement, which has become more of an urgent concern now that auto enrolment is boosting DC membership. This is even more the case for DB members who are already numerous (although getting less so daily), as their only choices are how much cash to take up to the 25% tax free limit and (up to a point) when to retire.
2. Current regulations deter innovation. This is, of course, why defined ambition as an idea has been so slow to get off the ground.
3. Restrictions on cash commutation imply a lack of trust of members to be able to decide how they spend their savings.
4. The concern that the annuity market has not maximised income for scheme members. This is mirrored by the high cost of de-risking via bulk annuities, which is the ultimate “flight path” for most DB pension schemes, and which many argue has resulted in a big drag on the growth of UK PLC.

All that would be required to extend the proposed freedoms would be to allow DB members to commute as much of their benefits at retirement, whether for cash or income drawdown, as they wanted, with the rest taken as pension as now. This could be applied to private and public sector schemes and would, I believe, at a stroke head off the rush to transfer.

Even if the Government does manage to stop people pouring out of the exits before April next year, this has to be bad policy. To provide more freedom and choice to one group of pensioners and at the same time to remove a longstanding freedom (and one available at the point members joined the schemes) from the other groups is clearly unfair. What is worse, with an election looming, it is likely to be unpopular.

A.4
The government would welcome views on any potential impact of the government’s proposals on investment and financial markets.

For private DB schemes, the Government says the decision is “finely balanced”. I think their fears are exaggerated and rather contradict the earlier declaration of trust in pensioners to make appropriate decisions about their retirement – after all appropriate investment in support of regular income in retirement (which would presumably be recommended by the “guaranteed guidance” to be offered to DC members) should not differ markedly from the equivalent investments in DB schemes. Whether DB schemes invest on a longer-term basis than individuals is, as the Kay Review made clear, uncertain.
The level of the Government’s concern about financial markets rather makes it look as if individuals can be trusted to look after themselves, with a slightly bigger safety net and a bit of advice, but financial markets cannot. This cannot be right.

As Rowan Atkinson once said: “Life is one of those things that most of us find very difficult to avoid”. You would imagine that death would be similarly unavoidable, but not in all cases it would seem.

The Office of National Statistics (ONS) have just issued the latest figures (for 2012) on what they define as avoidable deaths (“mortality figures for causes of death that are considered avoidable in the presence of timely and effective healthcare or public health interventions”) and have concluded that these account for a staggering 23% of all deaths.

Avoidable deaths timelineAvoidable deaths defined in this way can be further broken down into preventable deaths (ie those that can be avoided mostly or completely through public health interventions, eg traffic accidents) and amenable deaths (ie those that can be avoided mostly or completely through good quality healthcare, eg epilepsy). Some, eg ischaemic heart disease (22% of avoidable deaths in men), are seen as both.

 

 

 

One interesting aspect of this release is the regional breakdown of avoidable deaths as a percentage. These vary from 15% in the South (outside London) to 20% in the North West for women and from 24% in the South West to 31% in London and the North for men.

Avoidable deaths by region

As we can see from the following graph, it is possible for the proportion of deaths by cause to change quite dramatically over time. Could this also be true for avoidable deaths by region?

Avoidable deaths by source

The methodology for calculating the impact of improved survival rates of various conditions in terms of the number of deaths avoided is “age-standardised”, which means that we are all living in a population with the same structure as an average European population from 1976, when ABBA were in their pomp. The actual potential proportion of lives saved may therefore be more or less than 23%. This also means that some of the differences between regions could be due to how different their population structures are to ABBAland, eg there are a lot more over 65s as a proportion of the 2013 Standard Population (which the ONS should be moving to using soon) than there are in the 1976 version.

However, as David Spiegelhalter shows here, it is relatively straightforward to convert an improvement or deterioration in mortality rates into an increase or decrease in life expectancy. Making a few heroic assumptions (in this case: 1. that the most popular mortality table currently used by occupational pension schemes, but without any mortality improvements since 2002/03, is an appropriate way to estimate the effect of removing avoidable mortality on life expectancy; and 2. that the mortality is avoided equally at all ages from 65 onwards) we can therefore estimate the 7% difference for men and 5% difference for women in the degree of avoidable mortality to be equivalent to around 0.6 years for men and 0.4 years for women in the life expectancy at age 65.

If the mortality rates could therefore be improved in regions with currently the highest proportions of avoidable mortality, so that the avoidable mortality remaining was no higher than in those regions where it is currently at the lowest proportions, life expectancy at 65 would be increased in some regions by up to 0.6 years.

However, averaging by region smooths out much larger differences between postcodes (postcode mortality mapping is commonly used, eg by insurance companies in setting annuity rates). For instance, the current gap between the highest and lowest life expectancy at age 65 is 6 years for men (between Harrow and Glasgow City) and 5.5 years for women (between Camden and Glasgow City). So perhaps we should be shooting for the rather higher ambition of removing all of the avoidable mortality. If the overall average avoidable mortality of 23% could actually be avoided, this would lead to an average increase in life expectancy at age 65 of 2 years.

Finally, what about the differences between men and women? The ONS report states than “Men are more likely to die from potentially avoidable causes than women, with about 28% (67,548 out of 240,238) dying from avoidable conditions compared with 17% (44,945 out of 259,093) of women in 2012.” That 11% difference would equate to a life expectancy difference at 65 of around 1 year, which is about half of the current gap between men and women at 65. Women living longer than men? It would seem that it’s only half inevitable.

A recent piece of research into how the way people spend their money changes as they age got me thinking about how age might currently influence a particular household’s own Consumer Price Inflation (CPI).

The Office of National Statistics (ONS) produces a monthly inflation report for each major sector of expenditure, alongside the updates for CPI. The latest of these, out yesterday, showed CPI falling to 1.6%, finally less than wage inflation in the UK. However CPI is based on an average basket of goods to determine how people’s cost of living is increasing and this of course differs from person to person. In particular, the spending habits of the population, when split by the age of the household reference person (the ONS term for what used to be known as the “head of household”, when it was always the man of the house even when that house was owned by the woman: this was changed in the 90s), differ markedly.

CPI by age

The graph is based on the latest splits available of spending by the 12 categories used by the ONS to determine CPI (these are from 2012, although the overall averages these figures provide give CPI figures of 0.1% or less different from the actual figures so I think they will do for illustrative purposes).

What we can see straight away is that the gap between CPI for under 30 year old households and the 65-74 year old households has shrunk from around 0.8% pa to around 0.5% pa. However, under 30 year olds are still experiencing consistently higher inflation than the rest of the population. In fact this section of the working population are still experiencing inflation well in excess of the average wage inflation of 1.7% announced today.

The big winners since July have been the 30-44 year olds, with their households down to 1.5% pa inflation from 2.7% pa at the start of the period. And if your head of household is between 50 and 74 you are now experiencing average inflation year on year of only 1.4% pa.

The people who have not won quite so much (other than the under 30s) have been the over 75s, with their households at 2.6% pa at the start of the period and at 1.6% pa (ie bang on the average) at the end. Interestingly, the under 30s and over 75s have an average inflation above the headline rate, and everyone in between is coming in below it.

Why the differences? Well the change in the inflation rate has varied hugely amongst the 12 categories of spending.

CPI constituents

Food and non-alcoholic drink inflation has fallen from 3.9% to 1.7%, Clothing and footwear from 2.5% to 0.2% and Transport from 1.5% to -1.0%, so any sector with spending habits weighted towards these areas is going to have done better than average. The 30-64 year old households spend between 5.9% and 6.1% on Clothing and between 15.9% and 16.7% on Transport compared to the averages of 5.6% and 15.2% respectively. However the over 75s spend 18.8% of their income on Housing, fuel and power, which has seen inflation remain stubbornly high at 3.1% pa, and have higher than average spending on Health (4.6% against 1.5% average) and Household goods and services (8.3% against 6.8% average), both of which saw an increase in inflation over the period. Education appears to be in a world of its own, with inflation falling from 19.7% at the start of the period to 10.3% at the end. Perhaps fortunately for those placing a lot of faith in the headline rate, Education does not account for more than 3% of spending in any group (it’s 3% for the under 30s) and only 1.6% overall.

So, as always, the picture is more complicated than the headline rate. And, when it comes to inflation, age matters.